The Tories are the most successful political Party in British history. Lampooning them and their leaders is a sign of weakness.

They have a completely different vision for the future of Britain than us.

They led the Vote Leave and the Remain campaigns in the Referendum.

They remain in power today because of the strictures of the Fixed Term Parliament Act which they passed in collation with the Liberal Democrats in 2011.

Their strength historically stems from their pragmatism in defending private property and the union of Britain against all odds.

This has been complemented by their ability to go with the leading political flow of the people and their utter ruthlessness with their working class, Parliamentary and internal detractors.

They switched from supporting landowners and the leading figures in the ruling class to support the rising manufacturers.

They switched from the smaller manufacturers to the ones capable of creating Empire and conquer overseas territories.

Finally they switched from the defeated imperialists to the new globalisers, the financiers who they set free in the 1980s.

Hedging their bets, they retained a special relationship with the EU and while staying out of the European Single Currency did everything they could to ensure that the unelected Commissioners took over our Parliament and our national independence was lost.

They did this partly because of the power of the universal suffrage finally won after years of sacrifice and struggle in 1969.

They plundered public services, sold off national assets, privatised anything they could, sold swathes of the economy to the US and EU corporations and followed EU diktats.

But the collapsing, low growth EU and the domination of German manufacturers was too much for some of them.

They believed a sovereign Parliament with the freedom to make new independent arrangements with other countries throughout the world held better prospects for capital and general prosperity than the EU.

They are nationalists, but not socialists, they are free trade globalists, not internationalists.

Their intention to free themselves of EU domination coincides with the working class demand to do the same, but for different reasons. No one should blush about temporary convergences of class interests on matters of major significance.

The failure of the working class movement to raise its head, particularly in the absence of its main organisations, the trade unions, meant that it seized the relatively easy opportunity of the 2016 referendum to make its voice heard and then rested, in a genuine faith in democracy and the rule of the majority. We believed Parliament would support the mandate given.

When it did not support the mandate, amidst the hysteria of the Remainers, our people continued to sit back firmly and precipitate from a distance a situation that demanded a new Tory leader to take the country out of the EU.

Within the ‘left’ there has been a deep distrust of both genuine internationalism and patriotism. The national question has confused and bedevilled the Movement for years. So Boris bashing replaces critical analysis and class interests.

Leaving the EU could be pilloried as chauvinistic, narrow minded and xenophobic, by those who prefer to be dominated by the likes of tax haven creating Juncker to our own elected MPs.

It suited many to subjectively feel themselves part of a cosmopolitan elite in an illusory coalition of democracies. That grubby workers in the North would want decent housing and jobs, or that Greek workers might want their country back, seemed to be rather less important than the beautiful light in Tuscany.

But there is nothing worse than an angry liberal. When the people voted and it became really clear it was the people, not the pundits and the ever-so clever metropolitan types who always sneered at manual industrial labour, and preferred the ‘poor’ to be victims of charity rather than agents of change, when this was all laid bare, they sought revenge.

Few thought they could penetrate the Labour Party again and a new wave of more worker friendly, socialist leaders.

But they did. Blair, once the target of the largest march for peace, became the darling of the largest march in our history against democracy and our people.

Despite the best efforts of Jeremy Corbyn perhaps, and a staving off of the second referendum at their 2019 Conference, Labour succumbed to the siren song of the corporations in the EU and the corporates’ messenger the TUC, and opposed every attempt to get a deal with the EU and many attempts to stage what in effect were coups against the government.

One minute the Labour Conference applauds attempts to strangle the public schools, next minute it applauds the decision by eleven of the greatest scions public school and elite education giving a judgement that sets a precedent to the Supreme Court interfering in any political manoeuvre decided by a socialist government to push through its agenda.

We moved from a big national debate about EU membership to an equally important one about the future and nature of our democracy.

The Labour Party’s transformation into at best a confused and at worst a Remain Party and its work in Parliament to block the Withdrawal Bill, which, despite many imperfections, takes us out of the EU and its two most significant pillars the customs union and the single market, have now consigned it to another few decades, perhaps an eternity, on the fringes.

The momentum of the campaign to tip the balance of forces back to the many, not the few, is dead as far as the Labour Party is concerned. For those who believe that the only route to socialism in Britain is through a left led Parliamentary government, this will no doubt come as a real blow. What we are left with is an emboldened Tory Party ready to re-invest in the country, a savage Scottish National Party seeking to break the unity of Britain, and a depleted Northern Irish Unionist political bloc likely to be overtaken by a pro EU course of events in Ireland.

In this quagmire we re-assert our efforts to unite England, Scotland and Wales, to support the development of a genuinely independent and united Ireland and the struggle in every workplace for justice. We reject a special relationship with the United States or the European Union. We assert national self-determination. We call for the renationalisation and public ownership of our land, utilities, energy supply and public services.

A new deal for workers in an independent Britain, workers in charge in every workplace, in every assembly of government local and national.